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In Venezuela, it is a “new political moment,” to use the interim government’s preferred euphemism for the aftermath of President Nicolas Maduro’s capture by U.S. forces earlier this year. This strategy led to a major cabinet reshuffle and the enactment of new laws favorable to international investment.
Recent military exercises held at the US Embassy in Caracas three weeks ago illustrate this new reality. This shift in U.S. power in the Venezuelan capital would have been unimaginable in the last year alone. Today, it highlights the survival strategy of the Chávez government, which seized power 27 years ago with the election of Hugo Chávez.
Venezuela’s acting president Delcy Rodríguez appears to be continuing her predecessor’s tradition of making tactical concessions while maintaining the ultimate goal of keeping Chavismo in power.
And while the anti-imperialist rhetoric directed at the United States has disappeared from the political sphere since President Maduro’s arrest, everything else remains largely unchanged in Venezuela. The exact date for a democratic presidential election is not yet clear. Despite condemnation by the United Nations International Fact-Finding Mission and an investigation into possible crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court (dismissed by the government as politically motivated), the country’s repressive structures remain.
And as of May 25, more than 400 political prisoners remained in detention, according to figures compiled by the NGO Foro Penar, despite a weak political opening that allowed the return of several opposition leaders and the emergence of others from hiding.
In the midst of all this, Rodriguez has found an unexpected ally in US President Donald Trump.
Seven days after Maduro’s arrest, Venezuelan Communications and Information Minister Fredy Náñez held an emergency meeting with pro-government journalists. Leaked video of the meeting showed Náñez outlining key messages as participants explained and tried to understand for themselves what was happening.
Towards the end of the meeting, Mr. Náñez interrupted one of the speakers to announce that Acting President Rodríguez was ready to speak to attendees. Under U.S. pressure, she quickly laid out a strategy, stating, “Sisters and brothers, we must proceed with patience and caution, with three very clear objectives: the first is to maintain peace in the republic, the second is to rescue the hostages, and the third is to maintain political power.”
Five months after that meeting, Mr. Rodriguez indeed remains in political power with the support of Washington, which benefits from Venezuelan oil supplies and is now immersed in military operations in the Middle East ahead of November’s midterm elections.
There is little indication that Venezuela’s transition to democracy is a serious priority for Rodríguez or for the current US administration, which, despite the three-phase plan announced by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, seems content to maintain oversight over Maduro’s successor.
Rubio said the framework focused first on stabilizing Venezuela, then on the country’s recovery, and finally on its transition to democracy. Venezuela now appears to be in a second phase aimed at opening up the country’s vast resources to US and international companies. The country’s parliament recently revised a Chávez-era hydrocarbon law that centralizes oil production and increases royalties paid to the Venezuelan state.
President Trump has said several times that “Delcy Rodriguez is doing a great job.”
The heightened ties between Washington and Caracas were revealed this week when the United States and Venezuela conducted a joint operation targeting the notorious Venezuelan gang Torren de Aragua, which is designated a foreign terrorist organization by the U.S. government.
President Trump said Friday that Hector Rustenford Guerrero Flores, known as “Niño Guerrero” and credited with transforming a prison gang into a transnational crime syndicate, was killed in a U.S. military attack.
President Trump said the operation was “closely coordinated with our friends in Venezuela, and we work together very well.” The Venezuelan government said the operation included intelligence sharing and specialized technical assistance, highlighting a level of security cooperation unimaginable before Maduro’s arrest.
Washington’s unwavering support for Caracas is creating what some analysts call “normalization without transition.”
Earlier this month, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Cain landed in Caracas during a diplomatic visit to India to meet with senior officials from the Rodriguez interim government. Kaine, who also visited the US Embassy Marine Security Force in Caracas, said his visit was tied to Washington’s plans for the country.
The visit was interpreted by the far-left wing of Chavismo as a betrayal of the ideals of the movement that expelled then-Ambassador Patrick Duddy in 2008 under President Hugo Chavez with the words, “Go to hell, you fucking Yankee.” But it also shows how far pragmatic leaders are willing to stay in power.
Other recent concessions to Washington: Last week, Venezuela’s parliament pushed ahead with reforms to the power sector, including reforms that partially open it to private investment. And Mr. Rodriguez recently extradited Alex Saab, a former industry minister and close ally of Mr. Maduro, to the United States.
Instead, Washington lifted personal sanctions against the interim president and supported measures aimed at Venezuela’s economic recovery, marking a notable departure from previous policy.
Rodriguez has tightened his grip on Venezuela’s economic institutions and political calendar, while offering the Trump administration and foreign investors more favorable terms in strategic areas, particularly oil. The easing of sanctions, the Chevron agreement, the partial opening of state-run industries, and institutional changes all coincide with an increasing concentration of power in her hands and uncertainty about the country’s political future.
Asked a few weeks ago when elections would be held in Venezuela, the acting president said, “I don’t know when.”
While the ruling Chavismo movement is now forging unexpected ties with Washington, Rodriguez is seeking to move on from the harsh days of his predecessor and seems eager to lead this new phase himself.
“Get over it, forgive us and come back,” her brother, National Assembly Speaker Jorge Rodríguez, called on the Venezuelan diaspora in a speech in late April.
Public records show Mr. Rodriguez appointed a California-based lawyer to represent his interests in his dealings with U.S. officials. The lawyer may also advise her on possible future presidential campaign efforts in Venezuela, according to the same document.
This would place Rodríguez and the Chavismo movement on the same level as past strongman movements in Latin America, such as Argentina’s Peronism. After all, they share the same principle: the ideological orientation of governments can change over time. The important thing is to maintain power.
