He calls it a brave, optimistic, perhaps a tragic misunderstanding.
US President Donald Trump’s beliefs, through the power of character, were able to convince his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, that he wanted peace deals to be overly generous at best to himself and the head of the Kremlin.
It was supplied by a strategic hot take that Moscow is not Beijing’s energy producers but is an ally to the United States against China.
And this misconception of this situation places a sincere emphasis on Ukraine in terms of the public instability of American support, and by providing a window into which Russian military can move calmly on the frontline, once again a valuable and obvious lesson has been learned by Washington.
This leaves both sides in this global, crucial conflict more in Starker’s relief than before.
Kyiv’s relentless airborne panmaring is designed to reflect the practical consequences of Russia’s stalled diplomacy, as European leaders have said. This means that Moscow simply does not want peace.
The ministers of the Ukrainian Prime Minister’s Office and the ministers, which house the several government ministries, were attacked on Sunday for the first time since the war began.
The launch of the Record Attack Drone is designed to overwhelm Kiev’s defenses, and the death of a child in the city (another infant was killed in an apartment building alongside her mother’s Sunday) is something Trump seems to be feeling sharply.
However, as the Russian president is no longer trying to soften Trump, U.S. Presidential envoy Keith Kellogg correctly viewed these attacks as “escalations” on Sunday.
The timing is no coincidence. Putin came out of Bonomy in Beijing last week. We discussed immortality with his main bankroller, President Xi Jinping, and shared a limousine with India’s leader Narendra Modi.
The practical application of this new enthusiasm to support Russia is still unknown, but simply increasing the sense of Moscow, they are on the path they take on more paths. They can get money, traditional military weapons, purchases of hydrocarbons in soups, or another 10,000 North Korean special forces. But President Putin knows he is not alone now, and even if sanctions weaken his country’s economy, he will not make the last remaining hope in the West, internal political opponents, Barr’s hopes due to Russia’s defeat.
Putin, meanwhile, makes sure to use the time he has already won with great force. Ukrainian officials fear that Moscow’s troops are again accumulating to launch a final attack on Pokrovsk in the eastern part of the country, and may advance further north near Kupiansk.
We were here before. There, the battlefield movements are unpredictable and unstable, and even glaciers have been proven. However, the tenacity of Kiev’s army in throttling Russian summer attacks is a surprising outlier, and broader Russian advancements remain a fierce possibility in the coming weeks.
Given this new sense of purpose and momentum among Moscow’s allies, Trump discovers the ball is rolling towards him. Europe does much of that part, pledging higher spending, continuous commitments, and even Ukrainian ground forces, if there is peace.
Trump threatened “Phase 2” of sanctions against Russia on Sunday – perhaps widening tariffs on India and introducing them in China. However, the 50% tariff on New Delhi has had little effect so far – the bar is dragging Modi from Beijing into Putin’s limousine, and it appears that it will increase Russian oil purchases by 15% to 50% in the coming months, according to sources describing the Indian oil market to CNN.
US lawmakers have bills that respond to ovens that propose sanctions against Russian banks. They are also those working with them, along with up to 500% tariffs on the countries that buy Russia’s oil.
So there’s more that Trump can do. It would put him surreal and his non-military measures against Moscow in space beyond that of his predecessor, Joe Biden.
Trump has allowed Europe to buy Ukraine weapons that Biden once alked (such as long-range missiles). New sanctions could clash with Moscow’s increasingly vulnerable economy at a moment of weakness. However, Russia has many heads ups about what sanctions may come. This has proven to be practical and resilient in the past few years.
Trump’s Treasury Secretary Scott Bescent said future movements could “completely collapse the Russian economy, which could bring Putin to the table.
It is not a lonely hope, but a hope that underestimates the existential nature of this war for Russian leaders. Economic pressure may make him uncomfortable and may seek a ceasefire earlier than he wishes.
But in itself does not discourage him from his main goals. It is a sufficient victory to justify the death of the Russian war of perhaps hundreds of thousands, and justify the great damage this war has brought on Russia itself. Once the war is over, Putin risks realizing that he must either convincingly sell his victory to his elite, or that he has declined himself. Nothing is endless (even the organ transplant he discussed with XI).
The prognosis for the coming months is pessimistic. Putin could see some of the pressure applied by his troops in eastern Ukraine being converted into territorial benefits of strategic imports. Trump may struggle to formulate an economic response that is damaging enough to change his mind, but he will be soft enough to keep diplomatic channels open.
This is an impossible task – partly because of Trump’s own confused thoughts – but most importantly, because Putin doesn’t want peace.
The past eight months have been wasted by the US president in terms of planning Ukraine’s survival and European security, bringing unnecessary close contact to Moscow and undermining the strategic cross-sectional alliance that Washington still needs in the coming decades. However, they provided if you need to learn valuable lessons about who is on which side -. Even Trump can’t have fantasies.
