Paris
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After a terrorist bullet tore staff of French satire magazine Charlie Hebdo 10 years ago, the French spoke in the voices of “Je Suis Charlie.”
The word “I am Charlie” has also echoed throughout the United States since assassins silenced the voice of conservative activist Charlie Kirk. Both became victims of political violence. And in death, whether they publish a controversial cartoon of Prophet Muhammad or have a virus debate on university campuses, their reputation for their rage has made freedom of speech a priority for the people.
“They were killed by the same bullet,” Nicholas Conqueror, a spokesman for the American Republican Party in France, told CNN.
“I won’t be Charlie yesterday and I won’t be Charlie Kirk today,” he added.
But today, Charlie Hebd editor-in-chief Gerrard Byard sees “a huge confusion” among Americans about this.
“Charlie Kirk was an influencer and especially a political personality,” he told CNN. “We do satire and cartoons.”
Anna Altzmanov, a free expression expert at the Sorbonne University in Paris, has transformed the staff of both murderers, Charlie Hebd and Charlie Kirk, into “martisans for free speech.”
In 2015, writers, politicians and, more than anything, cartoonists flocked to portray Charlie Hebd’s artist as guardians of democracy.
Charlie Kirk also praises his commitment to the battle for ideas.
However, his eulogists avow is now barely similar to what Charlie Hebde supports in France.
“On the one hand, serving the argument of general interest is blasphemous freedom,” said Altumanov, who mentions that the belief of Muslims depicting Islamic prophets is blasphemous asp.
But she said Charlie Kirk’s freedom of speech is “freedom to hold masculist discourse on abortion” or to the minority community. The freedom of speech that his camp defended could even be adjacent to discourse prohibited in many European countries as hate speech, she added.
Charlie Hebd laughed at racism and at religious fundamentalism on the far right, said Altzmanov. In contrast, Kirk and his supporters often paraded racial and religious minorities and the LGBTQ+ community, promoting the views of the populist right-wingers.
These two “Charlies” were fundamentally opposed, Altzmanov said.
In 2015, thousands of people flocked to Paris, mourning 11 journalists and a police officer in an attack on Charlie Hebd, pledging to protect their mission.
They embraced the candles of Marianne’s bronze feet, the spirit of the French Revolution, and the republic candles that it produced. In his death, long-standing controversy, Charlie Hebd has become an unexpected figure of unity over fear and freedom of expression.
“In France, there was the idea that people would not kill people because of their paintings and writing,” Thomas Hochman, a public law professor at Paris Nanterre University, told CNN. Meanwhile, in the US, the dominant thing among those who say, “I’m Charlie” appears to be more agreement with the substance of (Kirk’s argument). ”
“Je Suis Charlie” signaled solidarity, whereas “I Am Charlie” is a sign of the department, he added.
He also talked about the differences in responses between leaders of both countries.
Let’s say there is no confusion between terrorists and Islam. French President François Hollande was driven into the house after the attack in 2015.
President Donald Trump was not afraid to portray his enemy as a crime against Kirk’s murder.
“For years, radical left-wingers have compared great Americans like Charlie with Nazis to criminals with the worst mass murderers in the world,” Trump said in a video statement posted on social media following Kirk’s murder on September 10th.
“This kind of rhetoric must be directly responsible for the terrorism we see in our country today and must stop right now,” he continued.
To Charlie Hebd’s prejudice, Kirk’s murder is inseparable from the gun violence that plagues American society and its politics. The legal traditions of each country certainly played their part. In France, he sees the threat of prosecution against hatred as a security guard’s railway for public debate. In his absolute attachment to free speech in the United States, he does not see such restrictions.
In the decade that separates the murder at Charlie Hebd and the shooting of Charlie Kirk, thinking about freedom of speech has evolved.
In 2015, the idea of French universalism on major Republican values was uncontroversial, with a large consensus on freedom of speech.
Today, Charlie Hebd’s blasphemy will be more cautious about France fighting for Islamophobia, said Altzmanov.
A question that French Republican officials struggle to conquer. “If Charlie Hebd falls under the bullets of Muslim terrorists today, are you there by the same unanimous support ET, especially from the left and right camps?”
A vote held in France last year by the IFOP and the Jean Jaures Foundation suggests that 76% of French people view freedom of expression as a fundamental right, compared to 58% in 2012.
The vote shows that over 30% of people under the age of 35 think that whatever they like under the age of 35 is unacceptable to say that over 20% of people over the age of 35 is what they like under the free expression outfit.
For me and for people of age, black lives are a problem, and even in the war in Gaza, the right to anger, especially against minorities, is probably not very important.
Trump has come into great detail on most of the intense events of the past decade.
Political and social upheavals, and his influence, can be seen in corporate American moves to shut down voices that are believed to be in violation of Kirk and his conservative views.
Comedian Jimmy Kimmel’s decision to pull briefly late into the night was the toughest example of Trump’s claim to credibility. He believes the president’s threat to silence journalists and other commentators is that he thinks he disagrees with.
In France, some people set their compasses to the card roadster. Hochman charted movements by French far-right media outlets like the far-right sympathetic Cnews.
Olgarhi Vincent Borore took Kirk’s death, sprinting through the far right in the French right in the cloak of his victims, and was surrounded by oppressive limits of freedom of speech.
Kimmel’s temporary silencing saw some assaults on freedom of speech as a complete circle.
Late-night comedies are typically Americans. The intentionally offensive ploy of French comic strips is usually French. They are some kind of distant good.
“Silly and nasty” is how the heart behind Hebd stole his magazine. Anger was their fuel and was to ridicule their purpose. Kimmel rarely refrains from roasting anything rich and powerful, like his counterparts behind other late-night desks.
“The important thing is that we can live in a country where we can do shows like this,” Kimmel said when he returned to the airwaves Tuesday night.
There’s an even more important message to the director of Charlie Hebdo, known for his pen name, “Riss,” who survived the horrifying 2015 attack.
“We don’t shoot people who don’t have the same opinion as us,” he told CNN.
